Free

Free Will and Divine Foreknowledge Essay Free will is the ability to make our own choices in issues regarding all aspects of life. It is a power that enables us to make our own choices that are not affected by external factors such as divine will. Therefore, each one sins by his/her own will. While, divine foreknowledge is the fact that God has complete knowledge of what will happen in the future. In â€Å"On Free Choice of the Will†, St. Augustine discusses a critical issue which is the incompatibility of man’s free will and God’s foreknowledge. So the question is, do we really have free will in spite of the fact that God foreknows everything? If God knows what must necessarily happen next, then how do have the free will to make our own choices? Augustine comes up with a series of arguments to prove that we sin by our own will with no intervention of the divine foreknowledge. Augustine first argued a characteristic of God that He has free will, and that He has foreknowledge of his own actions. Therefore, both God’s will and foreknowledge go along with each other. From this point he then assumes that man’s will and God’s foreknowledge are both compatible. But can we compare God with man? And is this argument convincing enough? More elaboration has to be given in order to make it more convincing. Augustine then proceeds to do so. He states that people who do not believe in the compatibility of free will and divine foreknowledge are those who â€Å"are more eager to excuse than confess their sins† (p. 73). That means that people who always blame others for their own wrong doings rather than admitting it are those who claim that we have no free will and that everything is already known by God, and that nothing can be changed, which they also use as a justification for their wrong actions. These people live their life by chance, leaving everything according to the circumstances rather than trying to take good actions. An example for that is the beggars, who always try to take money from people without giving anything in return or even having a job, although they have the ability to do so. But because of their laziness and their belief that this is what they were created to be, they leave everything to happen by luck and according to God’s foreknowledge that couldn’t be changed (p. 73). Augustine then moves to another point which is the relation between the will and the power to achieve that will. He states that the will itself is within our power. Therefore, our desire to commit certain acts is a power that we own. But if we will something that is not within our power then it is not considered as a will because we can only will what is within our power. Augustine then discusses that if something good happens to us then it is accordance to our will, not against it. So for example, being happy, although God foreknows that you will be so, doesn’t mean that we are happy against our will. Thus, God’s foreknowledge of our happiness doesn’t take away our will to be happy (p. 76). And so, he concludes that if God foreknows our will, then definitely this will is going to occur, and so it will be a will in the future. Consequently, his foreknowledge doesn’t take away our will. And since that what we will is in our power, God foreknows our power and He will not take it away. Hence, we will have that power because God foreknows it (p. 77). So Augustine made it clear â€Å"that it is necessary that whatever God has foreknown will happen, and that he foreknows our sins in such a way that our wills remain free and are with in our power† (p.77). However, the fact that God’s foreknowledge of our sins is consistent with our free will in sinning still stays questionable. Taking into consideration the fact that God is just, so how does He punish our sins that happen by necessity? Or is God’s foreknowledge not an obligation? The topic is still confusing so Augustine then proceeds to make it clearer. He explains that if we are certain that someone is going to sin, then we have foreknowledge with the wrongdoing that he/she is going to commit. This foreknowledge didn’t force them to do so, but it was done by their own free will. Accordingly, their will to sin is consistent with our foreknowledge of that sin. Therefore, â€Å"God forces no one to sin, even though he foresees those who are going to sin by their own will† (p. 78). Augustine then compares foreknowledge with memory. He states that our â€Å"memory does not force the past to have happened†, and similarly God’s foreknowledge of the future doesn’t force it to occur (p. 78). And we remember things in the past that we have done but didn’t do everything that we remember, likewise God foreknows everything that He will cause in the future, but doesn’t cause everything that is within His foreknowledge (p. 78). As a result, God punishes our sins that we do by our own will and which He did not cause, as God is known by his justice. Augustine then comes up with a good argument for all those who are still slightly confused, that if God should not punish us for our sins that He foresees then He also shouldn’t reward us for our good work that He also foresees (p. 78). To conclude, Augustine succeeded in coming up with a good argument showing that man’s free will and God’s foreknowledge are both compatible. The sequence of his ideas made his argument understandable and convincing for any reader. As a reader, I’ve always thought about that subject but didn’t receive any answers. However, reading â€Å"On Free Choice of the Will† made everything clear for me and made me well convinced that God’s foreknowledge doesn’t intervene with our own choices that we make. Works Cited Williams, Thomas. On Free Choice of the Will. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. , 1993. 129. Print.

EU’s Policy for Former Socialist States of Central Europe

EU’s Policy for Former Socialist States of Central Europe Josef Borocz on the Basis of the EU’s Policy Toward Former Socialist States of Central Europe Based on the Legacy of the Cold War Integration of Eastern Bloc states into the European Union (EU) has been markedly slow in comparison to its Western counterparts. Borocz and Larry Woolf assert that the stagnant, near-blocking motion of Western European-dominated organizations such as the EU carries with it a sociological, longue-duree contingent, identified by the historical and intellectual alienation of Eastern Bloc nations as a pervading â€Å"other† as perceived from the Age of Enlightenment. While there is significant merit to this argument, the geopolitical realities facing EU expansion throughout the continent outweigh the human facilities of traditional discrimination. With conflicted parties considering Turkey in the periphery of EU membership, the paradox of exclusion through minimal membership as outlined by Borocz and Woolf lends more toward matters of security and economic development rather than a notion as simplistic as the longue-duree facility of Eastern Europe as the â€Å"other.† Sch olars such as Gale Stokes contend that inclusion of the Eastern Bloc brings more than just European unity, adding the need for new defense strategies as well as trade systems, the incorporation of which would require a degree of phased membership so as not to disrupt the development of existing EU member state economies. After considering both proponent and contrarian arguments to the longue-duree assertions of Borocz and Woolf, it becomes evident that the geopolitical ramifications of full Eastern Bloc integration outweigh the possibility of traditional exclusion. Borocz states firmly that it would be a â€Å"mistake to attribute the European Union’s evident reluctance, condescension, and aversion vis-à  -vis one of its immediate neighbors solely to the recent legacy of the Cold War†[1]. Though the menace of Communism and the burgeoning global influence of the Soviet Union and its satellite contemporaries during the Cold War certainly harvested alienation from the capitalist West, the specter of Eastern Europe as the â€Å"other† existed long before Stalin began the ascension of the USSR as a world superpower. As Woolf states, â€Å"the intellectual structures of half a century are slow to efface themselves, but above all the idea of Eastern Europe is much older than the Cold War,† the distinction between East and West â€Å"produced as a work of cultural creation, intellectual artifice, and ideological self-interest and self-pronunciation†[2]. Borocz agrees, adding that â€Å"as critical work on the histor y of European ideas shows, a rational-Western self-image has produced, since the Enlightenment, the notion of ‘East Europeanness’ [sic] as a rudimentary, ‘rustic’ and low-scale version of itself†[3]. Where France, Germany, and England found themselves exploring philosophy, trade, and science, the common Western perception of the East developed as a darker side of Europe, one bordering the outside forces of Africa and Asia. All this developed despite the military action of nations such as Austria and Spain preventing the further advances of forces such as the Turks and the Moors, arguably leaving the remainder of Europe in the peace required to become â€Å"enlightened.† Such alienation, Woolf argues, gradually pushed Eastern Europe indirectly, lumping its association in such a way that Eastern Europe became an intermediary between Asia and Western Europe. The East was therein belittled further, diminished in intellectual capacity to the perceiv ed â€Å"barbarities† of the non-European world. The concept of the â€Å"East† was therefore manufactured intellectually by Western European nations, a manifestation of alienation due to the proximity to and exchange with non-European countries. Future â€Å"admission of the Hungarian (Polish, Czech, Slovene, etc) society to full membership in European Union as equal [sic] partners would thus require no less than the erasure and re-inscription of an over two-hundred year-old† image of West European identity construction,† a lofty goal to achieve in the relatively small period of time in which deliberation regarding membership would hence occur[4]. The human agent in such an action, the longue-duree proclivities of transcending centuries-old prejudice would therefore â€Å"involve reimagining [sic] the weaker, ignored, belittled scientifically and officially apprehended and described—hence objectified—other as a dynamic, inspiring, lively, a nd exciting partner characterized by a complex subjectivity†[5]. Such an adjustment in policy and personal perception would therefore facilitate the delay Borocz describes in his account of Hungarian attempts at EU membership. Adjustments of the aforementioned type paradoxically are warranted by existing Western European member states, not the Eastern state in question applying for EU membership. Borocz and Woolf speculate on the erstwhile definition of integration into the EU and the implications such an action would carry. Borocz concludes that the â€Å"essence of the European Union’s strategy vis-à  -vis the central and eastern European applicants is integration without inclusion, participation in the production systems, and appendance to the consumption markets of EU corporations without the attendant political, economical, social, and cultural rights conferred by European Union citizenship†[6]. That the Eastern Bloc is aware of this inequity suggests the a cceptance of said fact, returning the EU as an organization to a reincarnation of Enlightenment-era prejudice, exclusion, and exploitation. The concept of â€Å"Europeanness† here would be nominal at best, as Eastern Europe would be included at face value, never accepted as a contemporary of its Western counterpart. Appendini and Bislev argue in their Integration in NAFTA and the EU that the phenomenon of European integration is â€Å"reminiscent of the classical historical process of state and nation building† as perceived from â€Å"European history: a set of regulations being established for a territory (an expanding one, but at each moment precisely defined)†[7]. Contrary to Borocz’s observation of deliberate Western procrastination in the acceptance of Eastern membership, Appendini and Bislev suggest the vast requisite regulations which would ensure stable integration into the existing EU framework take time to implement, and suggest that the dismissal of the necessary implementation procedures would compromise the legitimacy of Eastern bloc membership, hence reducing membership to the aforementioned paradoxical state Woolf and Borocz describe. Most prominent among the issues faced by Western Europe were addressed by Denmark, who, despite descriptions of being â€Å"th e most knowledgeable and well-informed about European matters,† are â€Å"just about the most negatively inclined towards integration† owing to the question of â€Å"the welfare state, broadly defined†[8]. The relative economic underdevelopment of the Eastern Bloc, from a macro-economical standpoint, would beg the question of fiscal compromise on the part of Western member states. At which point would European integration serve existing members? The longue-duree aspect of political weight here manifests itself in the conceptualization of national discourse and the common interest formed by the EU. If the EU serves as a means to galvanize the continent in matters of policy and economic decision-making, at which point would Eastern European interests counterbalance and take precedence over the interests of Western Europe? The integration of Eastern member states would have to provide at the very least the potential to benefit existing Western members. Moving past fiscal issues brings to the forefront the question of protocol in the realm of geopolitical and global security realities. Gale Stokes suggests that â€Å"nation inclusion opens borders, creating the need for new defenses and changes in strategy†; for instance, â€Å"Poland and the Baltic nations are still redefining their defense strategies in the wake of the Warsaw Pact’s dissolution†[9]. The integration of most Eastern Bloc states would include the â€Å"onerous burden of having to create a new national defense policy,† conceivably overshadowed by the added weight of having to develop â€Å"national welfare and infrastructure building† to meet EU standards[10]. Were these nations able to achieve such goals independent of the EU, they would already have done so, begging the question of the true value of integration. In adopting Western Europe’s â€Å"particular set of basic values and beliefs† regarding â€Å"nationhood, popular sovereignty and democracy,† Eastern states would provide the Western EU members with added stresses, disrupting the function of an already uncertain establishment. From a security standpoint, Western states would be naturally apprehensive of the geopolitical changes and new threats that have emerged since the Cold War; in this sense, Borocz’s assertions of Western hesitation would be justified. The conflict in Bosnia, for example, is a quintessential example of the types of wars that deter â€Å"most aligned countries from seeking† full integration, as Western Europe was intent at the end of WWII to avoid such â€Å"explosive territorial, ethnic, or religious conflicts†[11]. Lengthy but legitimizing measures such as the temporal associate-member status of the Eastern Bloc are regulations asserted to be â€Å"superior to others†; legitimacy can only be attempted through the â€Å"decision-making mechanisms established† in existing EU membership protocol[12]. Gale Stokes notes Lithuanian Defense Minister Andrius Butkevicius’ hierarchy of threats, citing: â€Å"†¦instability in the former USSR, followed by ethno-religious and territorial conflicts, followed by crime and industrial disasters. With the threat of high-intensity conflicts unlikely in the short run, nations face subtler threats, including disaster-relief operations, peace operations, international crime and drug trafficking, illegal migration, and terrorism. The escalation of such threats to regional conflicts is a threat to long-term security [for the EU as a whole]†[13]. Since Borocz crafted his article, various Eastern Bloc nations have begun their integration into the EU. Their experiences, however, should be duly noted in modern issues such as Turkish ascension and the political ramifications of European inclusion of states such as Serbia and Croatia. Assertions of longue-duree such as those intimated by Borocz and Woolf are not necessarily negated by Eastern admittance (albeit partial) to the EU; the potential still exists for furthered exploitation, as full membership is contingent on Western attitudes and political action. Theoretically speaking, Eastern nations are never fully guaranteed equality in such integration; ironically, unity seems to be a concept extending only to those who have the political and economical clout to take the steps to make it a reality. The modicum of exclusion still existing in the minds of Western Europe limit the EU’s scope and function, as it â€Å"is probably not going to be a nation-state in the classica l sense† owing to the â€Å"fragmented and disperse elements of European identities† preventing the assembly of â€Å"anything resembling even a modest version of a national identity†[14]. The â€Å"associate membership† Borocz describes still has the potential to retard the EU’s abilities to function as a cohesive whole[15]. While the policies of the EU may not be largely based on an isolated perception of the Cold War Eastern Bloc nations, the essence of the EU strategy remains integration without full inclusion, the fact remains that a degree of inequity will pervade the EU’s future functions and day-to-day dealings on the global stage. The degree of integration and the increment steps coerced upon Eastern member ascension therefore remains in the eye of the beholder, so to speak; for the optimist daring to believe in the potential of integration, the inequity of the present is attributed to a genuine concern for the future. To the cynic, however, the remarkably slow process of integration and Western Europe’s modern policies smack of the prejudiced perceptions of old. BIBLIOGRAPHY Appendini, Kirsten A. and Sven Bislev (eds). (1999) Integration in NAFTA and the EU:Deficient Institutionality. Basingstoke: Hampshire Palgrave Macmillan. Borocz, Josef. (2000) â€Å"The fox and the raven: the European Union and Hungaryrenegotiate the margins of ‘Europe,’† pp. 77-83. Goldman, Minton F. (1997) Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe:Political, Economic, and Social Challenges. Armonk: ME Sharpe, Inc. Nabli, Mustapha K. (1999) Financial Integration, Vulnerabilities to Crisis, and EUAccession in Five Central European Countries. Washington, DC: World Bank P. Schimmelfennig, Frank. (2003) The EU, NATO, and the Integration of Europe: Rulesand Rhetoric. Cambridge: Cambridge U P. Stokes, Gale. (1998) Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union1997, The Challenge of Integration. Armonk: ME Sharpe, Inc. Tang, Helena. (2000) Winners and Losers in EU Integration: Policy Issues for Centraland Eastern Europe. Washington, DC: World Bank P. Woolf, Larry. (1994) pp. 1-6. 1 Footnotes [1] Borocz 2000, p. 79 [2] Woolf 1994, p. 1 [3] Ibid [4] Borocz 2000, p. 81 [5] Ibid [6] Borocz 2000, pp. 81-82 [7] Appendini and Bislev 1999, p. 126 [8] Ibid [9] Stokes 1998, p. 130 [10] Ibid [11] Ibid [12] Appendini and Bislev 1999, p. 126 [13] Stokes 1998, p. 131 [14] Appendini and Bislev 1999, p. 126 [15] Borocz 2000, pp. 81-82

National ID cards in the UK: Debates For and Against

National ID cards in the UK: Debates For and Against â€Å"Introducing National ID cards in the United Kingdom.† The concept of this scheme to introduce National ID card in the UK, is so that any legal citizen of the United Kingdom should be able to confirm their identity simply by producing this card and therefore prove their right to be within the UK without argument. It will do this by holding enough personal data to specifically identify a person as the individual they are claiming to be without question. You may wonder why the Government feel this a necessary action and it seems the main aim of this scheme is that the National ID card is ultimately intended to assist with law enforcement predominantly in relation to terrorism and organised crime. One of the main criteria for this scheme therefore, is that the cards should not be easily forged so that anyone wishing to flout the law could do so easily. These cards are only intended to hold basic data about a person, only enough to prove their identity. However it seems the definition of this ‘basic data’ seems somewhat ambiguous. Primarily, for example, it is intended that the card will only hold information regarding a persons name, address, date of birth and address etc. Scratch the surface however, and it seems that the actual proposal for the ID card embraces much more technologically sophisticated designs because, as previously stated, it aims to avoid being easily forged. Therefore it is intended that it will also hold ‘biometric data,’ that is to say, data that proves a much more physical individuality, such as fingerprint impressions or iris scans. It will do this through implementing the opportunities now made available to us through the ever advancing forms of ICT (Information and Communication Technology). All this in mind it seems the introduction of National ID cards within the United Kingdom seems to be one of the most politically sensitive topics around at this current moment, with people arguing both in support and opposition of the scheme, regarding whether it will protect or control us. In the aftermath of September the 11th we had perhaps become more aware than we had been previously, that we were vulnerable to attack from Terrorists who despised the Western Capitalist Culture such as that which exists both within the UK and America where the attack took place. It was a shock to thousands, if not millions of us all over the world, as we were humbled to witness the devastation that this attack, and attacks like it can cause. For those in support of the National ID card, they claim that terrorist attacks would mean that it would be much more problematic for a terrorist trying to initiate a plan via an assumed false identity because of the designs previously outlined. The idea is that the authorities would question them too vigorously once they inevitably failed to produce a valid ID card, and therefore be obstruct their terrorist strategies. Indeed one of the most adamant supporters of this argument is Mr David Blunkett who is quoted as saying; â€Å"The ability to prove ones identity reliably is an ever-more important aspect of modern life.† (www.publictechnology.net/modules) Indeed Mr Blunketts perspective on this issue is that it represents the answer to our living in fear of attack, as the cards are proposed to be so technologically advanced they will be impossible to forge. Whether this is a valid claim remains to be seen. In addition, the scheme is also seen as a solution to serious and organised crime with the UK and also seemingly much more everyday issues such assisting in the efficiency of public services. Bases persuasive techniques on the basis that those with nothing to hide will only benefit. From this we can see both what the National ID card is intended to be, and why the Government in the main, support this scheme, particularly in light of the ‘War Against Terrorism†. However as previously mentioned, the National ID card scheme is a sensitive current affair and does seem to be becoming an increasing Political Hot Potato with concerns raising particularly in relation to our Human Right to privacy and how these may possibly be infringed upon by advancing forms of ICT. Even though a person may have nothing to hide they may feel that the schemes enforces extra control over them rather than protecting them. Despite assurances from the Government that only very basic data will be held on these cards and that only the Government and ourselves (subject to the Data Protection Act 1998) will have a right to access the information, we are aware that in order to make these cards practically impossible to forge the link has to be made between sophisticated forms of ICT in order to incorporate features such iris scans and fingerprint impressions etc. As a consequence of this, the use of modern technology seems to have caused panic through an idea that we will become a society under the constant supervision of ‘Big Brother’ and that everyone could potentially know our business. In short, there is an opposition to the National ID card as it is suggested it will impact upon our civil rights to privacy, and that rather than the scheme being one to protect us, it would ultimately become one to control us in perhaps what could be identified as a communist trait and therefore undermine the very structure of our current Capitalist society. Indeed an entire website named say ‘No2ID and the Database State’ is based on the very foundation of this argument. In comparison to the Governments webpage (www.identitycards.gov.uk) of ‘frequently asked questions,’ which only briefly touches on the issue. Notably only one question on this page related to ICT specifically and that didn’t really address the concern of ICT exposing our business, rather it related only to defining biometric data; â€Å"A biometric is a unique identifying physical characteristic. Examples include facial recognition, iris patterns and fingerprints.†( www.identitycards.gov.uk) Basically it would seem that those in oppostion tend to be in fear because the design of the cards is intended to be so advanced that most of us will not be able to fully understand the extent to which we are monitored by this scheme. In essence there seems to be an almost operantly conditioned response amongst the opposition, based on previous experience that our human rights will be sacrificed against our will and thus demolish the UK’s characteristic liberal approach to civil rights and its Capitalist structure. For example, as recently as the 27th November 2005 it was revealed by the Mail on Sunday that the database for the Driver Vehicle and Licensing Agency (DVLA) is actually profiting by selling ‘our’ data to would be wheel clampers. The scenario being that for a small fee, car park attendants and wheel clampers could forward bills to motorists home addresses because they were provided with them by the DVLA. Indeed the DVLA were exposed as even allowing one wheel clamping company to purchase the information (for as little as  £2.50 per transaction) whose two bosses were actually already in prison for crimes of extorting money from the Motorist. From this we can see that even when respected organisations such as the DVLA are allowed to hold personal data on us we can sometimes be exploited in the pursuit of profit and therefore we can perhaps begin to understand the concerns arising over the National ID card. All this in mind, it is perhaps now relevant to apply this knowledge in order to assess how the scheme will affect the current structure of society within the UK. As a quick overview the UK exists as a Capitalist Society, which thrives on a democratic government and allows us our civil human rights such as the right to privacy. This would seem quite a positive description, especially in light of how civil rights have so vehemently been fought for in the past, particularly in relation to the movement to support the rights of black people that took place in America during the 1960’s. Indeed it is important to acknowledge that both those who support and oppose the scheme do so because they are fearful for the survival of that political societal structure, despite the extremities of approach to the topic i.e., 1. by believing the cards will protect us, or 2) that they will to undermine us. For those in support of the National ID card, it is perhaps a representation of reformism. Meaning that it seems to be an example of a Political Policy ‘whose object is to modify a political practice or aspect of social legislation without changing the fundamental political social structure.’ (Jary D Jary J, 1999) Yet for those in opposition that is not the case and the National ID would in fact change the fundamental political social structure. If as suggested by those in opposition to the scheme that we will become a ‘database state’ surely we are changing the fundamental political structure of our society as we seem to be relinquishing a great deal of our privacy in order to accommodate such concepts. The concern is that we may perhaps ‘sleep walk’ our way over to a more politically left / socialist standpoint and therefore sacrifice our Capitalist structure which arguably at this point in time defines the UK. If this is the case then we cou ld perhaps argue that the decision to defend ourselves against terrorists would in fact actually result in us allowing the terrorists to win, as the Capitalist structure would in fact wither naturally. One of the most prevalent characteristics of society within the United Kingdom is surely that of Capitalism, and indeed one of the main reasons we are vulnerable to terrorist attacks by organisations like Al-Qaeda who oppose it. Whilst there are variations to the definitions of Capitalism as it is notoriously difficult to define, it would seem that the rejection of centralised control is one of the most prevalent motivations of a Capitalist structure. If we were to take on board those, for example who adamantly profess to say No2ID, then we would arguably be acting in the interest on maintaining our social structure of a Capitalist state as they are rejecting avenues for an influx of databases that may ultimately result in a society which will exist via centralised control in this case through the medium of databases. What’s next providing babies with barcodes? What makes this topic so complex henceforth is that those who are on the other of the fence and support scheme such as Mr Blunkett are in fact motivated by this very same desire to preserve and protect our Capitalist state, and so it seems that this is one of the rare political topics that actually where the aim is actually agreed upon by the majority of the nation even if the method is disputed. As alluded to earlier all sorts of arguments exist in relation to the ID card and specifically the impact ICT. We might feel that we could be blinded by science and exploited. We might also be justified in feeling that our personal privacy would be exploited by corrupt people in power (as is alleged to have happened via the DVLA), however it is also felt a necessary ploy in order to avoid counterfeit duplication. All possibly valid arguments, however, what hasn’t been discussed is the actual practical application of this scheme. If, we were to embrace Mr Blunketts main reasoning for the scheme, then surely Police would be encouraged to stereotype and stop those who they felt could possibly be terrorists. In light of the threat from Al-Qaeda this is surely likely to result in a cultural divide, as they would likely stop Asian people thought to dominate the Islamic religion, rather than white people. In relation to the topic of the Civil Rights movement, mentioned earlier, we wo uld arguably be promoting a shift back towards racism. Since the UK is a place that manages to embrace aspects of Liberalism (a concept which promotes such tolerance of religion and personal and economic freedom) without challenging the Capitalism in society, the introduction of the ID card would arguably be a backlash against such positive traits and be quite disappointing. Whether in support of the ID card or in extreme opposition, it does seem that it is inevitable as talks persist and plans continue. It would seem that both sides of this argument have a substantial weight to them. However, change and diversity within society is surely inevitable. It’s surely what defines our history and characterises our culture. For the UK, it would seem that the National ID card will be one of those most significant changes to occur in the next few years. Yet surely it is better to evolve than remain in a static culture otherwise we would never advance. Surely a risk is worth taking even if we are not always in agreement or sure of the consequences. Bibliography Cushing, S (2001) Information and Communication Technology: London: Letts Educational Donnellan, C (2004) Protecting Our Privacy: Cambridge: MWL Print Group Jary, D Jary, J. (1999) Sociology: Leicester: HarperCollins Publishers Websites www.identitycards.gov.uk http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3568468.stm www.news-from-newspapers.com/en/Wikipedia.org/2005/04/21/Capitalism.html http://www.no2id.net/ www.publictechnology.net/modules) http://www.spy.org.uk/spyblog/2005/11/ (Mail on Sunday 27th November 2005) http://www.timesonline.co.uk

The Impact of Music on Intellectual Development :: Free Essays

The Impact of Music on Intellectual Development Listening to music has given people the opportunity to develop different types of appreciation and understanding for the music being played. Through the skills obtained one can develop qualities for their self for future development. Music allows people to grow intellectually by delivering the fundamental aspects of basic emotions or thoughts onto a page of music. When a symphony is playing an orchestrated piece of music, you can hear the large kettledrums setting the mood. Quick taps that crescendo to a loud abrupt halt or the steady, slow thundering thud of the bass drum can give us a sense of what the composer is trying to convey. This, along with the orchestra, allows us to feel the emotion in ourselves by the music that is being played. The music allows us to feel fright, anger, anticipation, or happiness, or other emotions that we have. When we are young, we are learning to recognize and label such emotions and thoughts. As we mature we are better able to comprehend and voice our feelings better by being able to recognize these feelings when they come upon us. Music gives us a way to develop and grow in ways that other intellectual stimulus cannot do for us. When hearing different scores of music we begin to develop an appreciation for the music pieces being played. We then may want to learn about who composed this piece of music, and where did that person live, and other vital information about the composer. We then may want to learn more about the different instruments being played in the orchestra. The drums are large and impressive and the woodwinds or the string instruments may seem delicate to use. Over a period of time our thinking has broadened and our intellectual capabilities have broadened. Music has a way of planting seeds for

Chinas growing economy :: essays papers

After North America, Europe, and Japan, the area of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong "is a fourth growth pole in the world economy" (Jue 108) which in 1994 was expected to double in size by 2002. Today, the growth rate is still on track to fulfill that prediction. Recent Chinese economic policies have shot the country into the world economy at full speed. As testimony of this, China’s gross domestic product has risen to seventh in the world, and its economy is growing at over nine percent per year (econ-gen 1). Starting in 1979, the Chinese have implemented numerous economic and political tactics to open the Chinese marketplace to the rest of the world. Chinese reform measures even anticipated the rush of foreign investment by opening newly expanded industries to out-of-country investors. As trade expands globally and countries within geographical proximity and of similar cultural descent and philosophies ally themselves in order to better compete on a world level, we are se eing the development of increasing number of geographical trade alliances, whatever the underlying reasons behind each. The alliances that have been in place for a while are proving to be very successful in competing in the international markets, stimulating the economies of nearly all of their member states. Effects of this change in economic strategy by a world power can be felt by practically every nation of the globe involved in international trade. The change in the amount of imports and exports to and from China will increase the demand on countless markets. Also, with all the foreign investment China is receiving, the socialistic republic will only grow more and more interdependent upon the world economy. However, the impressive growth rate of China’s economy is not without its shortcomings. Problems such as inflation and inefficient state-owned enterprises plague the rise of the Chinese economy. When China opened its economic borders 19 years ago, environmentalists spoke of the "efficiency" of their farming systems and how they used hardly any organic fuels in the production of food for their people relative to some of the other countries of the world-most notably the United States. What they neglected to mention, however, that one farmer at the end of one rake struggling to feed his family kept fuel consumption very low indeed. It was not, by any stretch, "efficient.

Interpreting the Quote “Always Look on the Bright Side of Life” Essay

„Always look on the bright side of life.â€Å" When I read â€Å"Always look on the bright side of life†, the song of the same title immediately got stuck in my head. The song is great and so are its lyrics. Although it was originally featured in Monty Pythons comedy movie â€Å"Life of Brian†, it is also commonly played at funerals. When people are having a hard time, it is very important to never let them forget that there will be better times again soon. The melody and the words often help me to get through a rough day or to forget a bad mood too. In the following essay, I will discuss the benefits of using this quote as a personal motto. For many people, including me, the quotation â€Å"Always look on the bright side of life† is also a personal motto. Everyday, you are surrounded by many pessimistic people and negative environments. It is your own choice whether you are going to be happy or not. People tend to blame other people for their unhappiness, which is ridiculous. It is very important that you are able to be happy on your own and that you do not need others to make you that. As for myself, I try very hard to live my life like an optimist and to not let other people’s moods and negative thoughts influence me in a negative way. Of course, I am not optimistic about every single situation. However, generally, I am making efforts in keeping my chin up and not letting others influence my good mood in a bad way. On the contrary, it is not difficult for me to be cheered up by other people when I am grumpy or disheartened. There are some days of course on which I wish everyone not to cross my way for his or her best because I know for sure that otherwise I would break out in tears or have an outburst of rage. However, I can say that I am a happy and well-balanced person most of the time. Choosing to see things in life positively is a view of life. Mankind strives to achieve happiness and it should always be our first goal but many people fail to reach this goal by seeing things negatively the whole time and being upset about things they cannot change anyway. Always looking on the bright side of life is the key to happiness.

In the country or in the city Essay

Where is the best place to raise a child, in the city or in the country? I would rather live and raise my family in the country, because of the clean environment, peaceful atmosphere, and smaller schools. My primary reason for choosing the country instead of the city is the clean environment. The air smells fresh and clean, because there are less cars creating pollution. In the city, there are busses, taxis, and cars on all the streets contributing harmful chemicals into the air. While automobiles are not the only cause of pollution, there are also more factories and plants to pollute the air. In the country, the only major industry would be farming, which does not pollute the air in any way. There are more people in the city breathing the air and less forest area to help control the pollution. Since there are less people in the country than in the city, the amount of littering on the roads is also less. The polluted air is very harmful to the human body and that is why I will choose to raise my family in the country where there is less pollution. The clean environment is not the only reason that I will choose to live in the country. Another reason for my decision to live in the country is the peaceful atmosphere. There are many more crimes committed in the city than in the country, because there is more drug use there. People with drugs are probably not going to sell them in the country, because they know they can sell more in the city. Drugs are not the only reason for the high crime rates in the city. There are shopping malls and businesses that are not in the country, which leads to more theft in the city. Also, the atmosphere in the country seems to be a much slower pace, because there are fewer people and jobs. The peacefulness in the country is very soothing and calming after a hard day at work. Also, I hope that my children will grow up to be good people, and I believe that the odds of that are much better if they are raised in the country rather than in the city. My last reason for choosing to live in the country instead of the city is that the schools in the country are much smaller than in the city. I believe  that smaller schools are better for the students. The schools in the city are much larger to accommodate the larger population of students that live there. I feel that the advantages of attending a smaller school are many. They have smaller classes, which gives the students more one-on-one time with their teacher. The teacher can really get to know each of their students and learn how they can help them be successful. In larger schools, teachers have too many students to have the chance to know each one personally, and they do not have the time to help them as much as a teacher in a smaller school. I also think it is easier for the students in a smaller school to make friends, because they get used to the same faces and know each other well. There are more students in larger schools, which will make it harder for them to get to know one another. City schools are also known for having cliques, which makes it hard for some students to be accepted by others. I believe that the smaller schools in the country are more beneficial than the larger schools in the city. In my opinion, the country is the best place to live and raise a family. I have discussed the three main reasons I chose the country rather than the city: the clean environment, peaceful atmosphere, and smaller schools. I hope others will agree that the country is the land of the free.